For far too long the history of 19th Century Mayan free rule in the Mexican Yucatán has been largely ignored. But local Maya are working to put it on the map. Through museums, ruins, guided tours and more, they are preserving the legacy of this largest post-colonial indigenous revolution in the Americas, commonly known as La Guerra de las Castas (The Caste War) and alternatively as the Mayan Social War.

Most of the top sites are within 200 kilometers of tourist centers like Valladolid and Playa del Carmen, making them accessible as a day trip. For those wanting a deeper dive, a multi-day tour of these off-the-beaten-track Mayan communities awaits.

Background on Mayan Resistance

In contrast to the Aztecs and Incas, the Spanish failed to swiftly conquer the Mayan Yucatán. The many autonomous kingdoms spread throughout the region meant each one had to be defeated separately. As proof of this difficulty, not until 1697—almost 175 years after their first contact with Hernán Cortés—did the last independent Mayan kingdom, that of the Itza Maya, finally surrender. Even then, the fires of resistance were not extinguished. Over the coming century, waves of Mayan uprisings occurred. Most were short-lived. But, in the early 19th century Yucatán elites inadvertently aided their cause.

At that time the Yucatán was loosely affiliated with Mexico, and the peninsular white elite wanted independence, especially as the central government increased taxation in the 1830s to pay for the war to keep Texas. For the local Mayans, everyday life was becoming increasingly insufferable. Elites, especially in the peninsula’s east, were confiscating their communal lands for henequen and sugar cane plantations, and forcing them to work in debt servitude. Mayans outnumbered whites and mestizos three to one in the Western Yucatán, and five to one in the east. They were thus prime targets for military recruitment. And, when some of these same elites made promises of lower taxes and land free from tributes in return for their military service, thousands of Mayan males joined the revolts.

Over the coming decade, Mayans were recruited for various military campaigns, both in support of Yucatán independence and in defending the Mexican republic, as two factions had emerged in the peninsula. Regardless, no change in their material conditions had occurred. A powder-keg-in-waiting had been created: the Mayan troops had kept their weapons, and they had been trained and led in battle by Mayan generals.

Panicked about a possible Mayan revolt, the peninsula government of Santiago Mendéz summarily executed Mayan leader Manuel Antonio Ay of Chichimilá in June 1847 on the suspicion that he was planning an attack. In the ensuing weeks, Mayan residents in the nearby town of Tepich were punished, with many killed and their homes burned. On July 30th, Mayan soldiers stormed Tepich. They first entered the church and executed the priest, who had been accused of sexually abusing children, then proceeded to kill all the town’s whites.

Just a year after its start, a federation of roughly 100,000 Mayan troops had conquered all the Mexican Yucatán, save the walled cities of Campeche and Mérida and the narrow Camino Real connecting the two.

Over the coming years, Mayan troops were pushed back to the peninsula’s east. There, three independent Mayan states self-ruled. The largest and most militarily aggressive, the Cruzo’ob, controlled the entire region of what is now the Mexican state of Quintana Roo, and had diplomatic relations with the British in Belize.

In 1901, Mexican troops took control of the Cruzo’ob’s capital, marking the ‘official’ end to the war. Nonetheless, the rebels scattered. The largest community of some 700, the Xcacal (or Tixcacal) Guardia, resisted and continued to self-govern until mid-century. This small community of the same name exists to this day.

Despite this fascinating tale, that includes white slaves building Cruzo’ob religious and governance buildings and captured Mayans being sent to Cuba as slaves, most visitors to the Yucatán leave without learning about this history and how it shaped the peninsula. Over its course, an estimated 250,000 perished. The region lost a third of its population due to death and exile, including half of its Mayans. Neighboring Belize was also heavily impacted. Several thousand persons took refuge and remained there after the war’s conclusion.

A perfect location to become acquainted with this history is at the aptly named Museo de la Guerra de Castas (Caste War Museum). Located in a colonial building in Tihosuco, a small town that was overtaken by Mayan rebels during the Caste War, this is the largest and most comprehensive museum in Mexico dedicated to the Caste War.

The museum provides visitors with an orientation to the 400-year history of Mayan resistance in the region, including the various uprisings against Spanish colonization. Many museum items were donated by locals to preserve them. On display are letters sent between the Mayan rebels’ key leaders concerning their military strategy. Artifacts also tell the story of the several hundred U.S. soldiers of fortune, fresh off the Mexican-American War, who agreed to the Yucatán government’s offer of 320 hectares each and a salary of $8 a month for enlisting. None collected this offer. They were unprepared for this guerrilla-style war with its high casualty rates, and most quickly returned to the U.S.

Just a few steps from the Caste War museum is the spectacular Iglesia de Santo Niño Jesús (Church of the Saint of Baby Jesus). Rather than rebuild its dome, destroyed by Mayan rebels’ shelling during the war, the locals who later resettled the area continued to hold services in the structure as is.

A Tihosuco-based cooperative tourism project, Sociedad Cooperativa Ubelilek Kaxtik Kuxtal, provides guided tours of the church, the Caste War museum, and a demonstration of cotton weaving.

Another symbol of the Caste War’s devastation can be seen during a half-hour walk through the jungle outside of Tihosuco. Here is the Lal kah or Téla. This village of primarily whites and mestizos was abandoned during the Caste War and lays blanketed by vegetation. Over the course of the Caste War, several hundred villages across the Yucatán were deserted.

Aventura Tela, a Tihosuco-based responsible tourism outfit run by Maya youth, offers guided tours of TéLa, as well as biking excursions in the area, visits to cenotes, guided birdwatching, lodging and meals with locals, and even nighttime walks in Tihosuco.

Those interested in additional ruins can visit Jacinto Pat’s former hacienda Xculumpich, another twenty minute walk from Téla.

The small village of Sacalaca, 37 kilometers southwest of Tihosuco, provides visitors with a glimpse into the colonial-era social hierarchy. Here, two churches existed within 350 meters of each other, one exclusively for the Spanish and elites, and the other for the Mayan populace.

During the Caste War, the church for the Spaniards (Iglesia Virgen de la Candelaria y los Tres Reyes) was damaged and its roof destroyed by Cruzo’ob fighters. Present-day villagers have left it as is. The former, and much smaller, church for the Maya, San Francisco de Asís, is actively used. A small community museum preserves art pieces from these churches. Also in town is a large cenote, Yokdzonot, for snorkeling and bathing, which was used by Mayan and Spanish troops during the war.

Ten kilometers from Sacalaca is the town of Huay Max, also shaped by the Caste War. Here a woman-led tourism cooperative, Yuumtsil Ka’ax, provides demonstrations to visitors about native foods (pumpkin, achiote, chilies, and several types of corn) and embroidery. In addition to providing a traditional meal, they guide visitors around sites of interest, including a medicinal garden, a community museum, and the colonial-era La Inmaculada Concepcíon church.

An hour drive south of Tihosuco is the once stronghold of the Cruzo’ob known as Chan Santa Cruz (Small Holy Cross, present day Felipe Carrillo Puerto). Passed over by most guidebooks, this small waystation holds several Cruzo’ob sites. Start at the Iglesia de la Santa Cruz (Church of the Holy Cross), which served as the Cruzo’ob’s main religious center of Balam Na (House of the Jaguar Priest). No plaques or markers attest to this plainly adorned building’s singularity: it was built by white slaves.

Across the inlaid brick plaza from the church is the Casa de la Cultura Maya. This building, with an arched walkway outside, was the one-time home of Mayan General Venancio Puc and later served as a base for successive Cruzo’ob governments, as well as a school for their children, where captive whites served as teachers. Also in the building complex is the Museo Maya Santa Cruz Xbáalam Naj, which houses some Caste War artifacts.

The seeming fountain in front of the building, Pila de los Azotes, is actually where locals who committed transgressions were punished under the rule of Mayan general Francisco May Pech. At the end of the Caste War in the early 20th century, he took over as the ruler of this semi-independent region. With an influx of settlers from other Mexican states, he had this structure built in order to punish those who committed infractions. For the crime of adultery, the punishment is said to have been 50 strikes.

The most famous of all Cruzo’ob buildings is a few kilometers away. Known as the Sanctuario de la Cruz Parlante (Sanctuary of the Talking Cross), this site honors the cenote where the Cruzo’ob developed a cult to a talking cross. Services are still held. Visitors are welcome, though they are asked to comply with the posted rules, such as removing their shoes at the sanctuary.

Due the guerrilla war style of the Caste war, few battle sites remain. However, just outside Valladolid, the San Bernadino de Siena Convent—the second largest Franciscan convent in the Yucatan—displays in its small museum the rifles and arms thrown into the convent’s cenote by fleeing Yucateco soldiers prior to their abandonment of the town during the Caste war.

Valladolid’s Palacio Municipal (Municipal Palace) has several murals of Yucatan history painted by Yucatecan Manuel Lizama, including one of the Caste War.

About 50 kilometers south is Tepich, the first village to be decimated by the Caste War. Mayan rebels first attacked the Iglesia de San José de Tepich. They then killed all the white and mestizo residents in retribution for the murder of Manuel Antonio Ay. In the adjacent cemetery Mayan rebel leader Cicilio Chi is buried. His grave is easy to spot as it is the only one in the cemetery! Chi’s former house is nearby.

A plaque at the base of the statue reads (in translation): “On the morning of July 30, 1847, Cecilio Chi and his people entered Tepich, executing the population of Spanish origin and burning homes, inaugurating with this act the war for the liberation of the Mayan people and turning Tepich into one of the centers of this great movement.”

Due to the relative lack of attention paid to Caste War history, only a few tour companies offer day tours. They include Playa del Carmen Tours, which has a day-long outing to several sites, starting from Valladolid. Undoubtedly, as more interest in this history grows, additional tours and experiences will be developed. The Tourist Promotion Council of Quintana Roo has created a colorful handout of many of the sites listed in this article.

Beyond their historical significance, a visit to these areas provides an opportunity to experience Mayan communities outside of the main tourist centers. Additionally, as these projects are organized and led by local Maya, their communities are the prime beneficiaries.

Clearly, this Caste War route is one that should not be cast aside!

Related posts on MexConnect

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• Instituto Cientifico de Na Bolom: a magical place in Chiapas for Maya studies
• Mexico’s Lincoln: The ecstasy and agony of Benito Juárez

The post The Path of Most Resistance: the Top Yucatán Caste War Sites appeared first on MexConnect.

Photo Gallery: Dzibilchaltún: An Ancient City in an Ancient Land

Once a vast city of 40,000 spread across 8 square miles or so of jungle and meadows, Dzibilchaltún was a long-lived Mayan city, a major player in the salt trade, and the ultimate survivor. Founded around 300 B.C., Dzibilchaltún lasted until the arrival of the Spanish in 1540. An architectural marvel even now, as it lays in ruins, it was so craftily designed that those on the roof of “Templo de las Siete Muñecas” (Temple of the Seven Dolls),had an unhindered 360-degree view of the world around them. But even more impressive, for someone who still remembers Mr. Kaminski’s eighth grade geometry class with horror, the engineers, mathematicians, and astronomers designed the temple so accurately that, during both spring and autumn equinoxes, the rays of the rising sun beam directly through the castle’s ports, casting a reddish glow throughout.

It’s akin to what occurs those same days at El Castillo in Chichen Itza where the carefully calculated equinox alignment of the sun creates the image of the feathered serpent known as Kukulkan slithering down the 91 steps of El Castillo. Even Mr. Kaminski couldn’t have figured that one out.

The Archaeological Site of Dzibilchaltún

We came to Zona Arqueológica de Dzibilchaltún from the marvelous city of Merida, traveling north on the Mérida-Progreso highway. Our first stop upon arrival was at the Museo Pueblo Maya, the historic site’s air conditioned museum. The latter is important because even early in the day, the heat index including temperature and humidity is set to “hell.” Luckily, there’s a museum store Having quickly realized that my baseball cap wouldn’t be enough protection from the blazing sun, I bought a floppy cotton hat with an extended brim on all sides, not even bothering to look in the mirror. I don’t want to know if it looks good on me, for once I don’t care.

• Interactive Map of Yucatán State

Then we grabbed bottled waters and perused the exhibits. The seven dolls are here, not far from the temple where they were found. Their rudimentary forms boast enlarged sex organs. Their purpose? Explanations range from the simple—they were part of a ritual–to the more complex—lined up correctly, they align with the shield carried by the constellation Orion enabling shamans and astronomers to predict the best days to sow and harvest crops. Since Dzibilchaltún was an agrarian society, I can see why that would be important.

As the Orion shield thing is way beyond my capacity, I moves on to other exhibits. The museum is a wonderful collection of exhibits and artifacts reflecting Dzibilchaltún’s history. Because the city survived for such a long time (quick – can you name more than a handful of cites beyond Jerusalem, Athens and Rome that date back 1200 years or more?) they provide a look at the changing periods of Mayan culture.

What to Explore

From the museum we walked to the city itself. Dzibilchaltún is no Chichen Itza, or at least not yet. The name means “where there is writing on flat stones” and, indeed,ancient graffiti still cover walls and buildings. Though archaeologists have pinpointed over 8000 structures still needing to be excavated, there are eight or so to explore. The Mayans like to play ball, so there’s a ball court, of course. The 427-foot Central Plaza that served as a government building is one of the longest Mayan buildings to be excavated so far anywhere in the Mayan world. This was the place where the administrative work of the city got done. Though I’m sure the Mayan administrators didn’t carry briefcases and talk on smart phones, a city of this size must have required layers and layers of an organized bureaucracy to function effectively. That they did an excellent job is a given, considering how long Dzibilchaltún survived.

Before the Spanish

Another excavated structure housed the governing elite, and is also the burial site for Kalom Uk’uw Chan Chae, one of the rulers of Ch’iy Chan Ti Ho, the name of this city before the Spanish came and renamed it Dzibilchaltún.

I was glad we had hired a guide and that I’d brought along a notebook and pen. There’s not much in the way of markings or explanations here, and I often had to ask our guide, who was very nice, how to spell some of the names and explain what the buildings were used for.

We climbed to the top of a small pyramid (if it had a name, I missed it) which offered a magnificent view of the city including the first building ‘discovered.’ That was in 1940 and was called Last Standing, because—in all of the vast city’s history—it was the only one remaining. Looking around at the flat expanse of grasses and foliage, it’s difficult to imagine that there are still approximately 8000 or so structures in this archaeological site which remain below ground, just waiting to rise again. What Dzibilchaltún will look like when they are unearthed is hard to fathom.

White Roads

Twelve sacbes (or more officially ‘sacbeob,’ the plural) or white roads, so called because they were covered with limestone, connect different sections of the city. Like all Mayan cities, Dzibilchaltún is fascinating. Each Mayan ruin is o different and unique. We check out the open air chapel or church, a mere five six years old as it was built by the Spanish who were relative newcomers and then, head to our last stop–Cenote Xlacah. 

Cenote Xlacah

Cenote Xlacah is a great stopping point as I’d about had it with the blazing sun, new hat and all.

We sat by the edge of what was Dzibilchaltún’s main source of water, a placid looking pond. But it’s an illusion. We’re seeing the placid surface of Cenote Xlacah, dotted with water lilies and looking like nothing more than a smallish pond. In fact, what lies beneath is a vast underground system of water ways. The measurable depths here reach down 144 feet, making Xlacah among the largest and deepest of all the hundreds of cenotes in the Yucatán Peninsula. Bigger even than Chichen Itza’s Sacred Well, and surrounded by stones and a few trees, it’s an inviting spot. So inviting that I was among the few who gave in, and slipped into the waters. Sure, I was wearing clothes but in this heat the dried soon enough, and there was no chance of catching cold.

Warm on top, baked from the hot sun, the levels below grew cooler and cooler as I went further down. I don’t continue the journey for long because, though Xlacah’s waters are clear, our guide tells us that (like Chichen Itza 85 miles southwest) the cenote was used for religious ceremonies and all that means. So I don’t let myself dwell on what lies beneath. Besides, that was such a long time ago.

Related articles on MexConnect

• Interactive Map of Quintana Roo
• The Ancient Maya – A Commercial Empire (David Conrad)
• The Maya civilization: Historical conflict (Luis Dumois)

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Photo Gallery: Palenque

Photo Gallery: Kabah and Uxmal

Photo Gallery: Labná and Sayil

The material splendor of the Maya culture is appreciated, more than in any other field, in the architecture and ornamentation of their cities. These city-states were the center of power for the king-priests who administered the obedience, the tribute and the manpower of the people who believed in them.

Many Maya cities and ceremonial centres have been discovered, some of which appear in our map of the Mayan country, from the now Mexican states of Campeche and Yucatán down to Honduras in Central America.

Not all the cities were developed at the same time. At the beginnings of the Maya culture, the highlands raised the first edifices. In the apogee of the Classical Period, between 250 and 900 A.D., the lowlands witnessed the flourishing of great cities such as Tikal, located in the heart of the Guatemalan Petén. After that, the creative impulse moved to the plains and low plateaus of the south end of the Yucatán peninsula, where the Puuc cities saw their moment of glory.

Each Maya city exhibits a unique style, although regions and epochs lent them certain common features. When we visit the ruins of the cities that seem to suddenly appear from the dense jungle, we cannot but admire the engineering workmanship which guaranteed the supply of provisions and water to the inhabitants; the fine stucco decorations; the stone estelas, dumb witnesses to the most advanced calendar system of those days; the ample and complex network of roads that criss-crossed all the land, keeping communications, commerce and interchange open to all Maya centres.

The names of the old cities are forgotten. The ones we use today were made up by explorers and missionaries, travelers and archaeologists. One of the few prehispanic names we keep is that of the City of the Wizards of the Water, Chichén Itzá.

The huge ceremonial esplanade in Tikal contains three big platforms, and over them rest the pyramidal buildings so common in the ancient Maya cities. To the north of the Great Plaza, one of these platforms defines the area. Ten pyramidal basements are built over it, distributed in a symetric manner to the west and east of its central axis. To the center of the plaza, and to the south of it, two more vast platforms perform the same function, to give the complex a unique, majestic atmosphere. Seen from a distance, the buildings seem to surface from the bottom of the green sea of the tropical forest.

The temples that emerge so gracefully from the jungle, with almost vertical walls, have a molded base and composite corners, to accentuate the impression of height. Over the back walls you may appreciate the typical crests of Tikal. The stairs go up on the front and they do not show any lateral support, something which gives the building an aura of even greater height.

Many of the palaces contain one or two rows of rooms on just one floor, but in Tikal there also two, three and even five storey buildings. The emphasis put in height and verticality gives an imposing touch to the city. It seems that the constructors wanted to come closer to Heaven and to their gods in this way, and in doing it, they raised the tallest buildings in ancient America. One of the temples in Tikal reaches 70 meters in height.

The Stone Estelas

Tikal is a city of many estelas. To this day, more than 80 have been found, a fourth of them carved with bas reliefs representing personalities, figures, glyphs and “long count” dates. It is possible that the non-carved estelas were painted, but the merciless passing of time has erased the commemorative messages that might have been written over them.

PALENQUE

Palenque is located to the north of the Sierra de Chiapas, over a plateau that extends itself over the plain. With the exception of Comalcalco, it is the most western city of the Maya. The first vestiges in Palenque show that the area was occupied as far back as the 4th century A.D., but it did not reach its zenith until the 7th and the 8th century, when the Maya Classical Period was at its height.

The ceilings of the buildings in Palenque follow the outline of the false vault, or Mayan vault, so their profile reminds us of the straw huts which, then and today, serve many Maya families well. Crests are widely used as ornaments to buildings. To admire in Palenque, above almost everything else, are the very fine decorations in stucco, very characteristic of this city.

The Palace

The Palace is built over a gigantic trapezoidal platform, 100 by 75 meters, and to a height that varies to compensate for irregularities in the terrain. Steam baths and water distribution installations have been found in this building, something that leads to the idea that it was used as a dwelling in its time.

The tower of the Palace, which may have served as observatory or watchtower, lends a very distinct profile to Palenque, although it is thought that the original form was not preserved when the building was restored.

Decoration in relief, molded in stucco, reached a high degree of perfection in Palenque. Stucco was a very fine paste made of lime with a bit of sand in it, which was in turn applied over stone supports anchored to the walls, ceilings or crests. In many cases, the interior side of the walls were covered with stucco and later painted.

One of the most spectacular examples of stucco sculpture in Palenque is the representation of the god of Death, boasting an admirable, dramatic realism in its features and detail. Another good example of this type of ornamental sculpture is found in one of the rooms of the Palace, where a cross-eyed Mayan priest shows his carefully modeled face from a doorhead.

Numerals a\nd Glyphs

Inside the Palace there is a series of stairs, decorated with glyphs and Maya numerals. The unusually large size and the perfection of the workmanship in these reliefs sets them apart from the rest of marvels found inside this superb building.

Construction work in Uxmal began in the 6th century A.D., but the effort went on for more than 600 years. This is the most important Puuc style city in the Mayan country. The name Puuc comes from some very modest elevations found nearby, which the Yucatecans refer to as the “Sierra” Puuc.

The low half of each edifice in Uxmal is plain and unadorned, while the superior half is decorated with elaborate limestone mosaics and carved masks that represent the god Chac, the big nosed god of rain. The buildings in Uxmal are huge, but not very high, something that lends an elegant and sober air to the city. The soft colors of the limestone almost blend with the surroundings.

This temple rests upon a massive basement of elliptical shape, with a highly slanted talus. The staircase, protected by rows of masks carved in stone, climbs to the top and to the temple itself, which is soberly decorated.

This very beautiful compound of four long palaces is grouped around a patio 80 meters long by 70 meters wide. To get in, you pass below a Mayan arch located halfway to the south side of the complex. The palace which delimits the south side is elevated over a terrace six meters high, accesible by way of an ample staircase.

The facades on the buildings that conform the quadrangle are adorned with elaborate representations of Mayan huts, rectangles and Chac masks, with superimposed ornaments such as carved loops, lattices, small columns, human shapes, birds and monkeys.

The Palace is built over a staircased platform divided in three sections. The walls are crowned by a cornice shaped as a knot, with a serpent that shows its heads on each corner. Five Chac masks preside over it, superimposed on the corners of each section.

The decoration includes representations of sea shells, laces and knots, masks, two headed serpents and tufts of feathers carved in limestone.

Towards the end of the terrace outside the Palace of the Governor lies the House of the Turtles. It shows a regular layout, a simple facade, and a frieze with small columns surrounded by ornaments shaped as lacings and series of stone turtles anchored from roof to roof at the top.

Inside the Puuc zone, Kabah is one of the Mayan cities most easily accessed, since it is located to the side of the Pyramid Highway that runs from Campeche to Mérida. It is connected to Uxmal, which acted as capital city for Kabah, by 18 kilometers of “sacbé”, or Mayan white road. It reached its apogee between the years 800 and 900 A.D., although its history is much more ample than that brief period.

The Maya Vault

The Maya invented their own vault, made of superimposed flat stones, called Maya vault or false vault. In Kabah there are several places where the Maya vault and arch may be appreciated. It is very interesting to see how the ancient engineers managed to solve the problem of sustaining their roofs, doors and windows.

Chac, the huge nosed god for rain and weather, appears in Kabah as the principal decorative motif. We have to remember the great importance that the Maya assigned to the weather, the seasons and the rain. The growing of maize, which was almost considered as a god, is what made them different from the nomad peoples, hunters-gatherers with no means for a sedentary life. Chac was (and still is) a deity much appreciated by the Maya for of that reason. Along with Chac, the architects of Kabah used carved lacings, small columns and false capitals to adorn the walls of their city.

SAYIL and LABNÁ

Not far from Kabah, Sayil and Labná complete, along with Uxmal, the picture of which is the Maya Architecture known as Puuc style. This zone was developed at the beginning of the 8th century A.D., when the lowland cities of the Maya were in decadence or already abandoned.

Just in the middle of the dense Guatemalan tropical forest, in the department of El Petén, the greatest of all the ancient Maya cities thrived: Sayil. Her constructive development spans more than 1,200 years, from the 3rd century B.C. to the 9th century A.D. A definite characteristic of its architecture is the height of its temples and palaces -sometimes counting several storeys- crowned by ornamented crests. Finely carved lintels and doorheads are also found in Sayil.

What gives deserved fame to Labná is its great Mayan arch, which connects two adjacent quadrangles. It is the first thing the fortunate traveler sees when he or she arrives in the city.

Towards the end of the ceremonial esplanade, the Edifice of the Columns permits access, to this day, to the water stored in the chultún below. A chultún is an underground reservoir of water, commonly built in the Yucatán to store rainwater. The Maya families who live nearby climb every day to the roof of the building to gain access to the round mouth that opens to the water below. In this way they get the water they need for personal use, daily bath included.

Tulum reached its highest splendor in the 1200 A.D., and it was still thriving when the Spanish arrived. They were amazed by the beauty, size and strength of the city. It must has been an important point in the network of commercial ports and havens that the Maya maintained over all of the southeast coast of the Yucatán peninsula. These maritime shelters, along with the sacbés, or white roads, were the heart of the communications and transportation system used by the Yucatán Maya in their time.

Temples and administrative buildings are located inside the fortress. Among these are: The Castle, The Watchtower, The Temple of the Frescoes, and the Temple of the Descending god.

The post The Maya civilization, cities of the Maya appeared first on MexConnect.

Introduction

To the foreigner, the words ‘Maya’ and ‘Mayan’ conjure up images of archeological ruins and a lost society and culture. Currently, the word ‘Chiapas’ brings to mind rebellion, Sub Commandante Marcos and a sense of confusion.

What many do not understand is the relationship between the historical Maya and today’s living expression of that culture in the form of many Indigenous groups. What is also not clearly understood is that the so called Chiapas crisis is not a recent conflict, but in fact a modern expression of issues and conflicts that reach back over 400 years.

The Maya Insight Series by Luis Dumois

Luis Dumois is a student of the Maya, their history, culture and artifacts, and in a series of Articles and Photo Essays, will be exploring these themes.

• Map of the Maya Era
• The Maya Civilization Time-line
• The Cities of the Maya
• Maya Numerals & Calendar
• Historical Conflict Part 1
• Historical Conflict Part 2
• References & URLs
• A day at Labná

Other Articles

• The Ancient Maya – A Commercial Empire.
• An Exploration of Trade & Commerce During the Mayan Period
• Chaya – The Mayan Miracle Plant
• Cenote Daydreams

The Spanish and the Maya – First Contacts

• Primary Sources of Maya History Part One – Books and chronicles
• Primary Sources of Maya History Part Two – Other documents
• Primary Sources of Maya History Part Three – Maya Hieroglyphs, Maya Calendrics, and Pseudo-science
• Primary Sources of Maya History Part Four – The Maya Calendar and the Correlation Problem
• Primary Sources of Maya History Part Five – Dynastic History and Wars of Conquest
• The Quetzalcoatl “Trinity”
• Jeronimo de Aguilar
• Hernan Cortes
• The Books of Chilam Balam Part One – Maya Hieroglyphic Writing
• The Books of Chilam Balam Part Two – The Americanization of Christianity

Galleries – a visual exploration of Mayan sites

• Mayan cities: Tikal, Tulum, Palenque, Uxmal, Kabah, Sayil and Labná

The post The Maya civilization and cities: a resource page appeared first on MexConnect.

Mayan Numeric System

Ancient Maya discovered two fundamental ideas in mathematics: positional value and the concept of zero. This feat was accomplished by only one other great culture of antiquity, the Hindu. But they did it 300 years or so after the Maya.

These two elements, positional value and zero, might be considered simple and basic concepts nowadays. In fact, they are, and that is precisely what set them apart as a distinct stroke of genius. Greek and Romans, with all the force of their spirit and all the strength of their institutions, did not manage to find these principles. Just try to write down a large number using the Roman notation to see how important are the notions of positional value and zero.

The Maya system is based on the number 20, not on the number 10 as our own. This means that the Maya counted from zero to nineteen before they had to move to the next order, instead of using 10 digits, from zero to nine, as we do. Perhaps they employed fingers and toes to keep the count.

In a decimal system the positional value is met as soon as we reach beyond number nine. A one followed by a zero is a ten. In the Maya system, a one followed by a zero equals twenty.

Our numeric system employs ten symbols to represent each one of the digits. Maya numerals were written with only three symbols: a dot for one; a line, which is a five, and the glyph of a sea shell to represent zero.

In that way,

And the first twenty numerals would be:

The Calendar

Another miracle produced by the Mayan culture was the long count calendar, a system more precise than the Gregorian corrected calendar, which is the one we currently use. A simple comparison illustrates the degree of perfection attained by the Maya in their time measurements:

Duration of year according to
modern Astronomy:
Ancient Roman (Julian), not corrected year:
Gregorian corrected year used today:
Ancient Maya long count calendar:

365.2422 days.
365.2500
365.2425
365.2420

The basic unit for the Maya calendar is the day, or kin. The second order of 20 days was called uinal. In a perfect vigesimal numeric system, third order should contain 400 days (20 x 20 x 1); but at this point Maya priests introduced a variant for calendar computation purposes. The third order, or tun, was made by 18 uinals, or 360 kins. This came closer to the duration of the solar year.

After the third order, the progression was uniform:

20 kins = 1 uinal = 20 days.
18 uinals = 1 tun = 360 days.
20 tuns = 1 katún = 7,200 days.
20 katuns = 1 baktún = 144,000 days.

Every date expressed in long count terms contained five numerals, that is, the number of baktuns, katuns, tuns, uinals and kins elapsed from the “beginning of time”, according to the Maya system.

By using different means and correlations, it has been established that the year zero for the Maya calendar corresponds to the year 3113 B.C.

Taking all this into account, it is clear that we now have all the necessary elements to translate long count Mayan dates to Christian dates.

An example:

Stone estelas erected by the Maya, specially during the Classical Period, were meant to commemorate important dates or events. The date was engraved or painted on the stone, and it invariably contained the same elements: an introductory glyph to the long count (meaning, “A long count date follows”), and the five numerals for the long count itself. Apart from that, the estela was covered with data to compute lunar correction for the calendar, different glyphs, and perhaps representative images.

One of the most ancient dated Mayan artifacts found to this day is the renowned Leyden plate, thought to be handcrafted in Tikal, though it was found in Puerto Barrios, Guatemala, in 1864. It is a small object, carved from jade stone in the shape of an ax head, and engraved on both sides:

As we are already familiar with Mayan numerals, it should be easy for us to read the date engraved on the Leyden plate: 8.14.3.1.12. This means that from year zero in the Maya calendar to the written date, the total of days elapsed were:

8 baktuns x 144,000 days =
14 katuns x 7,200 =
3 tuns x 360 =
1 uinal x 20 =
12 kins x 1 =

Total of days elapsed = Days
1’152,000
100,800
1,080
20
12

1’253,912

We know that a year has 365.242 days. So now we will divide the total of days elapsed calculated above by the number of days in a year to obtain the number of years elapsed, according to the date engraved on the plate:

1’253,912 / 365.242 = 3,433.1 years.

If date zero in Mayan chronology corresponds to the year 3113 B.C., we just have to subtract to determine the equivalent Christian date written on the Leyden plate:

3,433 – 3,113 = 320 = 320 A.D.

A simple program

All these calculations can be easily mechanized on a programmable pocket calculator. In that way the traveler will be able to read the Mayan long count date numerals on the field to then punch them on the calculator to immediately obtain a translation to Christian date format.

For countless years my pocket HP12C has given me flawless service. (No, I don’t get a commission for this.) This is a listing of the instructions to be stored in this little machine to build a Maya to Christian date translation program:

f CLEAR PRGM
f P/R
RCL 1
144000
x
RCL 2
7200
x
+
RCL 3
360
x
+
RCL 4
20
x
+
RCL 5
+
365.242
: [division] 3113
–
f P/R

Before you run the program, be sure to store in memories 1, 2, 3, 4 y 5 of the calculator the numerals for baktuns, katuns, tuns, uinals and kins:

[Number of baktuns] STO 1
[Number of katuns] STO 2
[Number of tuns] STO 3
[Number of uinals] STO 4
[Number of kins] STO 5

After that, it is convenient to fix to zero the number of decimals to display, in order to obtain answers in whole years, to then execute the program:

f 0
R/S

If the answer we get is a negative number, this means that the calculated date is Before Christ. Positive numbers indicate After Death dates.

MAYA – ÍNDICE/INDEX

The post The Maya Civilization, Maya Numerals And Calendar appeared first on MexConnect.

The ancient Maya achieved compelling and impressive socio-economic complexity during pre-conquest period. Extraordinary ancient cities such as Tikal and Caracol are scattered through out eastern Mexico and Guatemala. These economic centers exemplify the economic might and wealth of the ancient civilization. How did the ancient Maya attain such great affluence? The development of an extensive commercial network between neighboring Mayan city-states has recently has been accepted as a prime mechanism for economic growth in the ancient civilization.

Furthermore, amounting evidence has suggested that the demise of trade routes inhibited further growth, which directly led to the eventual decline of the entire civilization. It is a common notion that economics are largely dependent upon commercial relations with foreign settlements and civilizations. The ancient Maya were no exception, and at the pinnacle of the Mayan civilization (circa 800 AD) archaeological evidence suggests the Maya were involved in a commercial network that rivals contemporary world trade.

INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND

The pre-conquest Maya civilization existed between approximately 3000 B.C., with the beginning of the Archaic period, to 1524 with the Spanish Conquest led by Hernan Cortez. At the time of the conquest, the ancient Maya occupied all of Belize, Guatemala, and the Yucatan Peninsula, parts of the Mexican states of Tabasco and Chiapas, and the western portion of Honduras and El Salvador.

Primarily during the Classic and periods of the Post-Classic, the Maya thrived with large cities such as Chichen Itza, which, according to Charles Lincoln, “…emerged as one of the primary centers of Mesoamerican1 civilization.” The Maya continue to live in these areas and are known as the largest group of American Indians north of Peru. The success of any civilization largely depends on its ability to efficiently allocate its resources.

The development of extensive trade networks during the Classic, Terminal Classic, and parts of the Post Classic, allowed many Maya communities to acquire materials, which were not readily available. Not only did these relationships produce an exchange of ideas, but also they created a politically and economically sound infrastructure upon which the communities could prosper.

ALLOCATION OF VALUABLE RESOURCES

Economic stability was imperative for the success of ancient Maya city-states. Agriculture was a vital contributor to the economy in many ancient Maya communities. In fact, the majority of scholars believe that decline in many of the central lowland populations during the Late Classic and Terminal Classic periods was partially due to agricultural deficiency. This presupposes drought, most likely due to widespread deforestation and insufficient crop yields. Also, many of the technological advances of the ancient Maya concern agriculture. Raised fields and extensive irrigation are but two examples of technological change accomplished by the ancient Maya, which increased output, thereby strengthening the economy.

Favorable allocation of resources and specialization facilitated favorable trading relationships. The availability of resources is so tightly connected to economics that scholars often use economic laws, such as supply and demand, when assessing ancient Maya commerce. Specialization in trade can be defined as specialized exploitation of resources by populations in a specific environmental zone. Concentration in a specific area of commerce in response to availability of resources was key in determining the products exchanged between two groups.

The Yucatan Peninsula in Mexico was widely inhabited in both the Classic Period, and more so in the Terminal and Post Classic Periods. The collapse of the central lowland’s activity resulted in migration to areas in the Yucatan and the success of several civilizations including the Puuk, Toltec’s, and Itza. Expert Anthony Andrews believes the salt beds lining the coasts of the Yucatan provided profitable trade and contributed to these civilizations’ success.

Salt is a basic human requirement; most people requiring approximately 4 grams per day. It is estimated that Tikal’s population of roughly 45,000 consumed approximately 131.4 tons of salt annually. Not only is it required in diet, but it can also be used as a preservative. During the Classic and Post Classic Periods small island populations on Caye Ambergris and Isla Mujeres traded salted fish. An exchange relationship between island communities and the mainland was critical because these geographically isolated groups were incapable of sufficient subsistent agriculture.

Salt was also frequently used for ritual and medicinal purposes. Remnants of large religious shrines and temples in Emal on the Yucatan Peninsula suggest the surrounding salt beds were considered sacred. It is also believed that salt was commonly used during childbirth and death. A midwife would offer salt to both parents at birth and a saline solution was sprinkled throughout the house following the death of a family member.

In the Yucatan village of Dzitás, Robert and Margaret Redfield witnessed salt being prescribed for epilepsy and honey and salt for severe birth pains, suggesting that similar practices may have been evident in ancient periods. The Maya concept of hot-cold and its relationship to illness apply as well. Anthony Andrews suggests that salt was considered a “cold” medicine and often used to cure fevers. A controversial issue among experts is whether salt was used as a currency in ancient times. The fact that many other parts of the world were using salt as a form of currency supports this concept. However, Spanish reports during the conquest suggest that it was more an item of small-scale barter, rather than a major monetary unit.

The Yucatan coast is abundant in salinas, or coastal salt flats. The dry season (January to May) allows for inland saline-filled swamps to recede, leaving residual salt-encrusted mud. It is estimated that 20,000 metric tons could be yielded annually. The central area, particularly the Peten region, contained little to no salt sources. The need for salt and the abundance of the resource in the Yucatan prompted rigorous trade.

It is often believed that the salt industry did not fully develop until a significant population increase during the Classic period. Evidence suggests that increased trade of obsidian and polychrome ceramics coincided with an expansion of salt commerce. During this period, coastal cities such as Chunchucmil, Tzeme, and Dzibilchaltùn expanded rapidly with populations ranging from 10,000 to 40,000. Because these cities exist in arable and agriculturally poor conditions, experts conclude that they primarily relied on the salt industry for economic and agrarian support acquired through exchange.

THE DEVELOPMENT OF COMMERCIAL CENTERS

The Yucatan was not the only area to thrive as a result of the salt trade. It is believed that Tikal was a major commercial hub, or “middleman” for the rest of Guatemalan Maya land. Salt arrived from the north and jade and obsidian were received from the Chiapas highlands of western Guatemala, as well as the Peten region.

Christopher Jones concludes that the “middleman” role of Tikal was a key source of economic support during the Classic Period because it allowed the city to partake in commerce without having many profitable resources. Consequently, the shift of trade routes in the Terminal and Post Classic can be considered a major factor in the city’s decline. Anthony Andrews speculates a decrease in the Maya lowland population diverted the flow of trade away from large hubs such as Tikal and Copan. Andrews suggests maritime trade proved to be more efficient and practical as parts of the Central Area declined. Bypassing the core region tremendously decreased the economic activity of this major trade center.

The obsidian trade is comparable to the salt trade; however, its uses and resource distribution differ. Like salt, trade of the volcanic glass resource flowed through core areas which were thus viewed as redistribution points not only for their own zones of political control, but for all lowland Maya centers.

Daniel Potter refers to such cities as, Tikal and El Chayal, when he comments on “core areas.” According to John E. Clark, the concentration of obsidian was higher in the Central Chiapas Depression located near communities such as El Chayal and Ixtepeque. According to Daniel Potter, the old assumption that Teotihuacan was the largest obsidian producer has been recently challenged. Instead, John Clark has introduced the theory that Teotihuacan was the largest obsidian consumer throughout Mesoamerica. Obsidian was primarily transferred in the form of spall. The term “spall” refers to large flakes, large flake fragments, and chunks. Hirth explains that in order to make use of obsidian it must be cut and shaped into smaller fragments that can be used as tools; hence large obsidian workshops are necessary.

The ancient Maya obsidian trade is studied using evidence concerning location and size of these industrious workshops. It is estimated that Tikal had close to a hundred of these workshops in approximately 700 A.D.. Both transport and treatment of obsidian created a labor-intensive industry, requiring simple porters, usually slaves, and skilled craftsmen.

Control of obsidian deposits was crucial as it pertains to politics and the power of elites. Stephen Kowalewski comments, “…complex polities may have controlled the production and exchange of obsidian commodities.” If so, formalized exchange relationships may have existed between ruling elite members of the importing and exporting societies who would have governed the flow of important commodities such as obsidian. As Kowalewski implies, the obsidian trade facilitated relations among elites. However, these relationships were not always positive.

Daniel Potter has researched competition between El Chayal and Ixtepeque to supply parts of the lowlands during the Classic Period. According to Potter, evidence suggests that Ixtepeque obsidian was dominant in cities such as Tikal, Seibal, Palenque, and Kaminaljuya. The demand for obsidian in large cities produced expansion of trade routes within the lowlands that Potter comments, “…will be deemed too simplistic,” suggesting all the routes have yet to be identified. Long distance trade allowed large commercial centers to rise as major economic establishments during the Classic and Post-Classic Periods.

As stated earlier, Tikal acquired a “middleman” role in the salt and obsidian trade. Two recent discoveries are Cancuen’s role as a major trading post and Caye Amergris’ maritime trade network. These discoveries have given rise to new theories pertaining to ancient Maya trade.

Fairly recently, archaeologist Arthur Demarest stumbled onto a 2.5 square kilometer plaza in the ancient city of Cancuen. Demarest suspects that the city had substantial control of raw resources, which allowed it to be one of the most powerful forces in the region from 400 BC to AD 800. Cancuen’s wealth is apparent from one of its three story, 270,000 sq. ft, 170 room palaces that rivals the largest temple of Tikal.

Demarest believes Cancuen’s great wealth was acquired through wide-spread hegemonic warfare. Further excavation of the city and the absence of defense walls have led experts to believe that such great wealth was obtained through long-distance trade. Demarest comments, “They made a series of alliances with whichever city-state was the most powerful, furnishing their allies the jade, obsidian, pyrite, quetzal feathers and other goods necessary for maintaining control over the common people.”

The existence of elaborate tombs with jade inlays in the deceaseds’ teeth and men buried with lavish headdresses reflects the prosperity and splendor the city experienced. It also suggests that Maya kings could obtain great power through commerce instead of imperialistic warfare. Demarest uses Cancuen as an example of wealth acquired not through violence, but solely through commerce.

Caye Ambergris is an island located off the coast of Belize, and according to Thomas Guderjan, was connected to a major trade network. Not only did communities on Caye Ambergris have access to significant salt deposits, but also they partook in the ceramics industry. The absence of obsidian deposits prompted rigorous trade with areas of the Maya highlands, such as El Chayal. The Putun, or Chontal Maya, acquired great wealth when the civilization controlled many of Caye Ambergris’s maritime trade routes during the late Classic and early Post-Classic Periods. Guderjan comments, “[The Putun’s] power came not from military might but as a result of their virtual monopoly over sea-going trade.” Guderjan even goes as far as saying, “It is possible that the merchants of the Classic period, who carried goods among the various polities, became more powerful during the early Post-Classic period and virtually dominated the Maya world.”

Not all experts readily accept such a concept. Michael Coe suggests that the Putun’s aggressive military exhibitions into the lowland Maya “heartland” allowed them to acquire affluence and power. Nonetheless, the overwhelming evidence found on Caye Ambergris implies that these “Phoenicians of the Yucatan” engaged in significant long-distance trade. Exported items include ceramics, salted fish, marine shells, possibly dyes, and jade. Agricultural goods from the lowlands and obsidian imported from the Maya highlands were crucial to the functioning island inhabitants. Guderjan comments, “…the trade of goods among those with and those without such goods was central to the development of complex societies.” However, there is great debate in whether non-essential elite goods or utilitarian goods were traded during the Classic Period.

Maya expert, Jeremy Sabloff, contends that fine items such as quetzal feathers, jade, and cacao were traded during and at the end of the Classic Period. Sabloff uses evidence of elaborate ports, such as Chac Balam, to assert his conclusion that the Maya traded utilitarian goods during the Classic Period out of necessity and practicality. The transport of goods such as obsidian, salt, and basalt was very labor intensive and high-maintenance. Sabloff believes commerce of this kind could not have taken place without the large seaports.

As the Maya population increased during the Classic period, a higher demand for “commoner items” developed. Guderjan contends that rising demand for utilitarian goods allowed coastal communities, such those on Caye Ambergris, to prosper and specialize in maritime commerce.

WARFARE, ANCIENT MAYA ELITES, AND COMMERCE

The role of elites in the Ancient Maya civilization is examined today. Experts’ views are changing, as new evidence is uncovered concerning commerce’s function in politics. The majority of experts believe the trade of luxury goods empowered elites with greater prestige and status during the Classic Period.

Luxury items included jade, quetzal feathers, cacao, seashells, elaborate polychrome pottery and embroidered cloth, chert, amber, and turquoise. Because long-distance trade was extremely labor intensive and costly, fine goods were primarily exchanged. This is not to infer that “non-luxurious” items such as salt and obsidian were rarely traded. In fact, Guderjan believes these goods dominated the markets during the Classic Period. The definition of luxurious and utilitarian items is somewhat subjective.

According to Kenneth Hirth, trading goods’ worth can be classified by location of discovery. John Fox comments, “Workshops for two specialties, shell-bone working and cloth embroidery, were recovered only in the high-status complexes [palaces] within the elite center proper, therefore defining them as elite goods.” Objects commonly found in religious temples and sophisticated palaces suggest the high value of the good.

Embroidered cloth was particularly important in signifying status, emphasizing the importance of workshops to process raw materials into usable finished products. Obsidian necessitated skilled craftsmen to cut and form the shards of volcanic glass into cutting tools. Jade was carved and shaped into elaborate designs often depicting deities.

Jade is considered an important elite good because of its frequent appearance in Mayan rulers’ tombs. Fox suspects control over workshops and distribution of goods to community markets was a major source of elite power. Fox comments, “The internal distribution of materials by Quichè [elites] made everyday resources available to everyone.” Consequentially, the influx of ample raw materials and the distribution of finalized goods was a major factor in the prosperity of the community.

Relations among elites were vital in obtaining favorable trade. Fox believes obsidian and other materials were “obtained along kinship networks among political allies, notably between the Nima Quiche and Cakchiquel.” However, commerce did not always produce favorable relations among elites.

During the Classic and particularly Terminal Classic Periods, warfare among city-states was common. Experts such as Jeremy Sabloff contend that during the early Classic Period warfare was primarily a religious ritual. However, reasons for war shifted as elites developed imperialistic goals during the late and Terminal Classic Periods. Tikal conquered neighboring Uaxactun under the leadership of Jaguar Paw.

In turn, Caracol defeated Tikal during the mid-Classic Period. The Late Classic kingdom of Dos Pilas carried out wars of conquest against its neighbors and incorporated such states as Seibal into its own dominion. A greater amount of defensive walls surrounding ancient cities were constructed during the Late Classic Period suggests an increase in Maya warfare.

This conclusion continues to be controversial as Sabloff comments, “the assumption that all these [walls] functioned mainly for defensive purposes is still open to question, since most have been casually investigated….” Nevertheless, many experts agree there existed a rising trend in warfare during the Late and Post Classic Periods, particularly among elites.

FOREIGN CIVILIZATIONS AND MAYA COMMERCE

The lure of valuable natural resources was not only felt among the Maya themselves. During the Classic and Post-Classic Periods, a strong foreign element in Maya trade markets prompted rapid economic expansion and development. David Webster suggests the role of foreign rule when he concludes:

…many identify new Post classic patterns of warfare based on the intrusions of upstart ruling groups not ethnically enculturated to the more formalized Classic Maya military traditions, carried out in the context of new, internationalized commercial routes and exchange networks.

David Freidel also comments on the importance of control over trade routes by foreign civilizations:

“[Salt, cacao, cotton] provide a material link between the household and the palace, the village and the center. It is only logical to presume that such links were central to Mesoamerican political and social cohesion. If these goods served as currencies in earlier periods, as most of them did at the time of contact, they would have provided a practical means of controlling a very much wider range of goods and services connected to them by equivalency. Monopoly over such currencies would provide significant control over the mode of distribution. And if control of the mode of distribution was central to Mesoamerican political economy, then government would have been as concerned with the places and events as with the means of exchange.”

Control of currency sources and access to resources had both political and economical effects. These incentives prompted “foreign” civilizations such as the Teotihuacan, the Toltecs, and the Putun Maya to obtain control of trade in various areas of Mayan land. Most experts agree that Teotihuacan was the most influential foreign civilization to influence ancient Maya long-distance trade. The Teotihuacans from central Mexico most likely held the greatest influence over the Maya during the early Classic Period before 600 A.D.

At the height of the civilization, during the Patlachique phase, Hirth estimates each family consumed at least 21 pieces or approximately 9.52 kilograms of obsidian annually. Teotihuacan’s industrial activity created a high demand for raw materials, particularly obsidian.

The armed merchants, or Pochtecas, of Teotihucan, obtained access to obsidian sources in the Guatemalan highlands, as well as control over major economic centers, such as Tikal and Kaminaljuya. Kenneth Hirth believes the Pochtecas did not wish to redesign the infrastructure of the obsidian industry in Maya cities, but instead wanted to optimize production for Teotihuacan’s needs and advantage. The raw material demand for Teotihuacan was extremely high with its estimated 45,000 population during the Early Classic Period.

The hallmark tripod pottery design of Teotihuacan, found primarily in Kaminaljuya, suggests the heavy influence of entrepreneurial traders. Potter contends Teotihuacan’s greatest influence is present in the increase of long-distance trade. He also believes the Maya were primarily active in local trade before the arrival of the foreigners.

With the production of routes to Teotihuacan in Central Mexico, long-distance commerce relations were established and a trade foundation built. The expansion of long-distance trade during the Teotihuacan regime facilitated further economic growth with the influx of new materials via newly established trade routes.

The merchants of the Yucatan were much more influential politically than the traders of the Central Lowland and Highland areas. William Sanders comments, “The [merchants’] political functions are so heavily stressed in this narrative that some writers have lost sight of the primarily entrepreneurial aspect of the Pochteca economy and have even described them as an arm of the state.”

During the Terminal Classic Period, a migration from the central lowlands to the Yucatan and areas of the western highlands occurred. As a result, the populations of cities such as Koba and Chichenitza expanded significantly during the Post-Classic periods. According to Coe and many other experts, the Maya lowlands declined both politically and economically during the late Classic and Terminal Classic Periods.

Consequentially, many of the Yucatan cities rose as major commercial centers controlled primarily by merchants. Hardoy comments, “During these declining centuries of Maya society, the merchant was apparently much more closely identified with his political chiefs than was the Aztec merchant.” Several wealthy merchant families gained substantial political control.

The Cocom family governed Mayapan and later their headquarters in Sotuta for several generations. Merchant leaders did not wish to redesign community life, as Hardoy suggests, “[The merchant’s] mission was as peaceable as allowed by the political circumstances in Yucatan during the years prior to the Spanish Conquest.” This is not to infer that the wealthy traders did not always advocate an egalitarian and democratic political system. They exercised privileges such as juridical sovereignty, the right to send their children to the calmecac (school of the elite class), and the management of the major urban markets.

The ruling merchants may have derived from either prestigious nobles or commoners. Both groups could own slaves, therefore having direct access to a labor force, allowing transport of labor-intensive products. Goods such as salt and obsidian were especially difficult to transport long-distance, and slaves were commonly used to haul large, cumbersome loads from Koba to as far as Kaminaljuyu or areas in central Mexico.

THE RISE OF A SOCAL HIERARCHY

The rise of merchants during the Classic and Post Classic Periods facilitated growth in the middle class as well as the elite of many Maya communities. A social stratum in Maya cities is by no means a post conquest attribute, according to Chase. The rise of a middle class is not so much connected to the merchants themselves, but rather, to the intermediary occupations, such as skilled artisans and craftsmen, who were indirectly involved in commerce.

In many commercial communities, it is estimated that the population consisted of 20-25% merchants, artisans, or craftsmen of “middle” status. Currently, the role of merchants is a source of much debate among experts. Many believe occupations such as artistry and crafts cannot be considered “trade related,” therefore diminishing the size of the commercially active middle class.

Most criticism has originated from the subjectivity involved in labeling certain occupations as “trade related.” Nevertheless, evidence suggests there was development of a stronger middle class during the Post Classic Period, primarily in the Yucatan.

As stated before, experts agree there was a major decline in economic and political activity primarily in the central lowlands of Guatemala during the Late and Terminal Classic Period. Michael Coe suggests that there is overwhelming archeological evidence that large cities, such as Tikal and Copan, experienced mass abandonment.

COMMERCES ROLE IN THE DECLINE OF THE MAYA

Numerous theories for such a sharp decline have developed from extensive study. Overpopulation accompanied with drought and crop failure is one theory. Populations exceeded the carrying capacity of land, resulting in widespread famine. Also, widespread deforestation possibly produced lower levels of precipitation.

Although cities, such as Tikal, built large reservoirs and extensive irrigation systems to combat these environmental factors, low crop yields hindered any possibility of supporting a large population. Another reason for decline is endemic internecine warfare. According to Freidel, many elites developed imperialistic aspirations of conquering neighboring city-state.

David Webster states:

“Evidence explicitly or implicitly asserts that Maya warfare was more frequent, more intense, more lethal, and less constrained by political/ideological conventions during the Terminal Classic/Early Postclassic than it had ever been before.”

The city of Seibal was especially involved in warfare. Dos Pilas attacked the city before it came under the militant Putun’s influence during the Terminal Classic Period. Violence and warfare prompted many inhabitants to seek refuge in the Yucatan Peninsula and Chiapas highlands.

A well-documented and supported theory for the decline of the Maya central lowlands is the deterioration of trade routes. Geographic location was a major factor in the shifting of trade routes. Anthony Andrews deduces that the core area, or central lowlands, represented a buffer or intermediate zone between northern and southern Maya land. Influx of goods was in the control of merchants. As maritime trade was found more practical and the population decreased in the central area, redirecting trade routes proved more efficient.

Consequentially, central lowland cities were bypassed.

The discontinuity of goods flowing into Maya cities affected all social classes. Commoners no longer received daily necessities such as salt and obsidian. Without cutting tools and axes, farming and daily activities were severely hindered.

Elites also lost power and prestige as a result of the trade route shift. Jade and quetzal feathers were important symbols of wealth and status. The worth of these exchanged items can be explained by their rarity. As the authors explain, “Their value comes in part from the fact that their raw materials are obtainable only by long-distance exchange.” Luxury items placed in burials were a common practice during Classic times.

Increasing scarcity of fine goods is seen in the decrease of jade, turquoise, polychrome pottery, and elaborate textiles placed in elite burial tombs. As a result, loss of power in the elites accompanied the deterioration of trade relations.

CONCLUSION

Many aspects of the ancient Maya Civilization can be examined by assessing the impact and effect of long-distance trade during the Classic and Post Classic periods. However, in order to make proper and valid conclusions, it is imperative to consider all information and refrain from making generalizations.

I conclude that trade facilitated growth and development, which led to the prosperity and development of an impressive and complex civilization.

In examining the evidence, I think the most apparent form of growth achieved by the ancient Maya was economic. Allocation of resources was a vital component of specialization in trade. Cities in the Yucatan and Chiapas highlands achieved prosperity through concentration in a specific trading market. I think that specialization in trade was a significant contributing factor in achieving economic growth because it produced favorable trade relationships. Symbiotic associations developed, creating an overall commercial network allowing various values and ideas to be transported along with the exchangeable goods to distant cities.

This so-called “trade network” did not exclude areas that were somewhat resource deficient. Cities, such as Tikal and Caracol, obtained great wealth by becoming major focal points of commerce, a central theory of Coe. I claim that cities in the lowland regions would not have reached such high populations without the existence of such a trade network. Tikal developed a strong reliance on the influx of goods primarily because of necessity. Items such as salt and jade were used in religious events, as well as daily activity.

I believe major religious and cultural aspects of the lowland Maya would have been severely inhibited if they did not have access to goods via trade. The level of the central area’s dependency on trade can be witnessed through the eventual decline of the lowlands after the deterioration of trade routes through the area. Although there are several reasons for the decline of the Maya, the failure of trade was a major issue, which impeded prosperity and lead to the abandonment of many lowland communities.

The rise of merchants severely altered the political structure of many ancient Maya communities. This reverts to resource control and wealth. The Cocom family gained significant political strength as a result of wealth and prestige derived from commerce. In my opinion, this represents the concept of achieving political and economical success through trade.

I believe that commerce revolutionized the political system of the ancient Maya by allowing the rise of a different type of political elites: the merchants. Maya elites relied on luxury items, such as jade and quetzal feathers, to denote high social rank. Commoners used obsidian tools for daily work and salt for consumption and religious practices. Both commoners and the elite used Cacao as a form of currency. These dependencies entrusted merchants with substantial power and wealth.

In my opinion, merchants occupied the greatest power in the Maya political structure by being able to regulate traded materials and their availability to both commoners and other elites. Therefore, as warrior elites were gradually phased out, merchants gained control not only of commercial activity, but also political power.

Long-distance trade involved different components of the labor force in Maya communities. I think the most significant effect of commerce and the social stratum is the strengthening of the middle class. Slaves, peasants, and elites were the basic units of social organization until trade intensified.

The social aspect of the ancient Maya became more egalitarian when wealthy merchants progressively gained power. The growth of a middle class allowed upward mobility and overall prosperity for those both directly and indirectly involved in trade. I believe a greater distribution of wealth is the underlining factor in larger population trends due to favorable economic conditions during the Classic period. Commerce encompasses a variety of attributes of the Ancient Maya. I believe it is one of the most important factors contributing to the ancient Maya’s development. A complex and diverse civilization, as the Maya were, can be connected through a network of distributive resources.

I conclude that long-distance trade was a primary source of prosperity and enabled the ancient Maya to flourish as a culturally enriched and fascinating civilization.

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